autumn 1922, the fascist movement’s fighting squares over Rome with Benito Mussolini and the members of the Quadrumvirato at the forefront, calling for the end of the parliamentary paralysis that had cost Italy so expensive during the Great War. Under stress of power, the new regime launched its most ambitious objective: an anthropological revolution to forge a new hombre.To this end, it brought the economy along the paths of the corporativism, placed the state within the single party and recast the guidelines for education policy. The latter was first entrusted to Giovanni Gentile, an architect of the 1923 education reform. With the regime in what Felice has referred to as the time of consensus, Giuseppe Bottai, the ideologist of the corporativism, took the turn to work on consolidating the education system, promulgating the Charter of Scuola in 1939. The current debates on Italian fascism as a global phenomenon, an exporter of cultural subjectivities and political experiences that were welcomed with meaningful and implemented negotiations, seek to place the capacity of the fascist state to launch its geopolitical project. There is now a consensus in the history that it did not have the financial means or the diplomatic capacity to penetrate its Nazi counterpart. However, this article tests a case study exercise to demonstrate mussolinian conviction to do Italians wherever they were. To this end, he had a variety of devices, from legations and embassies, to informal diplomacy or independent actors whose interests were squeezed by Rome, as is the case with the Salesian Congregation in the colony of Chipilo.