The National Truth Commission, established by the Brazilian Federal Government in 2012, opened a new field of disputes around Memory, Truth and Justice over the period of the civil-military dictatorship (1964-1988). This was due to the entry into the scene of new subjects, mainly peasants and indigenous people, who, throughout the period of redemocratisation, had consolidated, through various fighting, their political and institutional organisation, increased public recognition and the conquest of some social rights and policies. However, the entry of these new actors generated resistance, even from subjects who had hitherto been involved in the public debate on remembrance about dictatorship. This highlights the limits of the so-called Transitional Justice, both conceptually and legally, and from the approach of social imaginary, classroom and cultural contradictions, the division between rural and urban areas, among other factors. This article aims to discuss the conceptual and regulatory structure that sets out criteria for defining victims as “political dead and missing”, which at the same time do not apply to other victims. This reflection is based on the report produced by the National Truth Commission, which will be compared with what was produced by the Campesina de la Truth Commission, as well as with reports produced by indigenous peoples, in particular the report on the Waimiri-Atrori people. The process of understanding, reflective and analytical, is therefore intended to consider both the senses of the Memory, Truth and Justice dispute today, in a context of continued violence, and the blurring of this dispute for the peoples of the countryside.